Showing posts with label managers' coup d'etat. Show all posts
Showing posts with label managers' coup d'etat. Show all posts

"The Scourge of Managerialism" - Generic Management, the Manager's Coup D'Etat, Mission-Hostile Management Rolled Up, as Described by Some Men from Down Under

I just found an important article that in the June, 2015 issue of the Medical Journal of Australia(1) that sums up many of ways the leadership of medical (and most other organizations) have gone wrong.  It provides a clear, organized summary of "managerialism" in health care, which roughly rolls up what we have called generic management, the manager's coup d'etat, and aspects of mission-hostile management into a very troubling but coherent package.  I will summarize the main points, giving relevant quotes.

Recent Developments in Business Management Dogma Have Gravely Affected Health Care

Many health practitioners will consider the theory of business management to be of obscure relevance to clinical practice. They might therefore be surprised to learn that the changes that have occurred in this discipline over recent years have driven a fundamental revolution that has already transformed their daily lives, arguably in perverse and harmful ways.

These Changes Have Been Largely Anechoic

these changes have by and large been introduced insidiously, with little public debate, under the guise of unquestioned 'best practice'.

See our previous discussions of the anechoic effect, how discussion of facts and ideas that threaten what we can now call the managerialist power structure of health care are not considered appropriate for polite conversation, or public discussion

Businesses are Now Run by Professional Managers, Not Owners

The traditional control by business owners in Europe and North America gave way during the 19th century to corporate control of companies. This led to the emergence of a new group of professionals whose job it was to perform the administrative tasks of production. Consequently, management became identified as both a skill and a profession in its own right, requiring specific training and based on numerous emergent theories of practice.

These Changes Were Enabled by Neoliberalism (or Market Fundamentalism, or Economism)

Among these many vicissitudes, a decisive new departure occurred with the advent of what became known as neoliberalism in the 1980s (sometimes called Thatcherism because of its enthusiastic adoption by the Conservative government of Margaret Thatcher in the United Kingdom). A reaction against Keynesian economic policy and the welfare state, this harshly reinstated the regulatory role of the market in all aspects of economic activity and led directly to the generalisation of the standards and practices of management from the private to the public sectors. The radical cost cutting and privatisation of social services that followed the adoption of neoliberal principles became a public policy strategy rigorously embraced by governments around the world, including successive Liberal and Labor governments in Australia.

Note that this is a global problem, at least of English speaking developed countries.  The article focuses on Australia, but we have certainly seen parallels in the US and the UK.  Further, note that we have discussed this concept, also termed market fundamentalism or economism.

Managerialism Provides a One-Size Fits All Approach to the Management of All Organizations, in Which Money Becomes the Central Consideration

The particular system of beliefs and practices defining the roles and powers of managers in our present context is what is referred to as managerialism. This is defined by two basic tenets: (i) that all social organisations must conform to a single structure; and (ii) that the sole regulatory principle is the market. Both ideas have far-reaching implications. The claim that every organisation — whether it is a mining company, a hospital, a school, a professional association or a charity — must be structured according to a single model, conforming to a single set of legislative requirements, not so long ago would have seemed bizarre, but is now largely taken for granted. The principle of the market has become the solitary, or dominant, criterion for decision making, and other criteria, such as loyalty, trust, care and a commitment to critical reflection, have become displaced and devalued. Indeed, the latter are viewed as quaint anachronisms with less importance and meaning than formal procedures or standards that can be readily linked to key performance indicators, budget end points, efficiency markers and externally imposed targets.

Originally conceived as a strategy to manage large and increasingly complex organisations, in the contemporary world, no aspect of social life is now considered to be exempt from managerialist principles and practices. Policies and practices have become highly standardised, emphasising market-style incentives, devolved budgets and outsourcing, replacement of centralised budgeting with departmentalised user-pays systems, casualisation of labour, and an increasingly hierarchical approach to every aspect of institutional and social organisation.

We have frequently discussed how professional generic managers have taken over health care (sometimes referred to as the manager's coup d'etat.)  We have noted that generic managers often seem ill-informed about if not overtly hostile to the values of health care professionals and the missions of health care organizations.

Very Adverse Effects Result in Health Care and Academics

In the workplace, the authority of management is intensified, and behaviour that previously might have been regarded as bullying becomes accepted good practice. The autonomous discretion of the professional is undermined, and cuts in staff and increases in caseload occur without democratic consultation of staff.   Loyal long-term staff are dismissed and often humiliated, and rigorous monitoring of the performance of the remaining employees focuses on narrowly defined criteria relating to attainment of financial targets, efficiency and effectiveness.

The principles of managerialist theory have been applied equally to the public and the private sectors. In the health sector, it has precipitated a shift in power from clinicians to managers and a change in emphasis from a commitment to patient care to a primary concern with budgetary efficiency. Increasingly, public hospital funding is tied to reductions in bed stays and other formal criteria, and all decision making is subject to review relating to time and money. Older and chronically ill people become seen not as subjects of compassion, care and respect but as potential financial burdens. This does not mean that the system is not still staffed by skilled clinicians committed to caring for the sick and needy; it is rather that it has become increasingly harder for these professionals to do their jobs as they would like.

In the university sector, the story is much the same; all activities are assessed in relation to the prosperity of the institution as a business enterprise rather than as a social one. Education is seen as a commodity like any other, with priority given to vocational skills rather than intellectual values. Teaching and research become subordinated to administration, top-down management and obsessively applied management procedures. Researchers are required to generate external funding to support their salaries, to focus on short-term problems, with the principal purpose being to enhance the university's research ranking. The focus shifts from knowledge to grant income, from ideas to publications, from speculation to conformity, from collegiality to property, and from academic freedom to control. Rigid hierarchies are created from heads of school to deans of faculties and so on. Academic staff — once encouraged to engage in public life — are forbidden to speak publicly without permission from their managers.

Again, we have discussed these changes largely in the US context.  We have noted how modern health care leadership has threatened primary care.  We have noted how vulnerable patients become moreso in the current system, e.g., see our discussions of for-profit hospices.  We have discussed attacks on academic freedom and free speech, the plight of whistle-blowers, education that really is deceptive marketing, academic institutions mired in individual and institutional conflicts of interest, and the suppression and manipulation of clinical research.  We have noted how health care leaders have become increasingly richly rewarded, apparently despite, or perhaps because of the degradation of the health care mission over which they have presided.

The Case Study

The article provided a case study of the apparent demise of the Royal Australasian College of Physicians as a physician led organization, leading to alleged emphasis on "extreme secrecy and 'commercial in confidence," growth of conflicts of interest, risk aversion on controversial issues.  When members of the organization called for a vote to increase transparency and accountability, the hired management apparently sued their own members.

Authors' Summary

Whether the damage done to the larger institutions — the public hospitals and the universities — can be reversed, or even stemmed, is a bigger question still. The most that can be said is that even if the present, damaging phase of managerial theory and practice eventually passes, its destructive effects will linger on for many years to come.

My Summary

I now believe that the most important cause of US health care dysfunction, and likely of global health care dysfunction, are the problems in leadership and governance we have often summarized (leadership that is ill-informed, ignorant or hostile to the health care mission and professional values, incompetent, self-interested, conflicted or outright criminal or corrupt, and governance that lacks accountability, transparency, honesty, and ethics.)  In turn, it appears that these problems have been generated by the twin plagues of managerialism (generic management, the manager's coup d'etat) and neoliberalism (market fundamentalism, economism) as applied to health care.  It may be the many of the larger problems in US and global society also can be traced back to these sources.

We now see our problems in health care as part of a much larger whole, which partly explains why efforts to address specific health care problems country by country have been near futile.  We are up against something much larger than what we thought when we started Health Care Renewal in 2005.  But at least we should now be able join our efforts to those in other countries and in other sectors.   

ADDENDUM (30 October, 2015) - This post was republished on the Naked Capitalism blog.  See the comments, which are particularly interesting and important.  

Reference

1.  Komesaroff PA, Kerridge IH, Isaacs D, Brooks PM.  The scourge of managerialism and the Royal Australasian College of Physicians.  Med J Aust 2015; 202: 519- 521.  Link here.

Musical Diversion

We have to leaven this dismal post with the 1980 live version of "Down Under" by Men at Work

The $5.3 Million a Year Government Bureaucrat - The Top Administrator, or CEO of a "Government Entity," Charlotte-Mecklenburg Hospital Authority, "Doing Business as" Carolinas Healthcare Gets a Raise

The pay given to top managers of health care organizations continues its seemingly inexorable rise, and the justifications for it seem to be increasingly perfunctory.  However, a closer look at individual cases can generate even more questions about how we got to this pass.  Our latest example arises from a recent news article about the compensation of top managers at Carolinas Healthcare.  

CEO Pay Levitating Since 2009

In 2011, we started following executive compensation at the hospital system now known as Carolinas Healthcare. Our posts in 2011, 2012, and 2013 all fit the same pattern.The total compensation given to its CEO, Michael C Tarwater, was
- $3.4 million in 2009
- $3.7 million in 2010
- $4.2 million in 2011
- $4.76 million in 2012
- $4.9 million in 2013 (per the Charlotte Observer)


In February, 2014, per Karen Garloch reporting in the Charlotte Observer, we have the newest figure:
- $5.3 million in 2014

The details were

the system’s CEO Michael Tarwater received $5.3 million in total compensation in 2014, an increase of 7.7 percent over the previous year.

Tarwater, 61, who has led the $8 billion nonprofit system since 2002, received a salary of $1.3 million, two bonuses totaling $3.3 million, and other compensation, including retirement and health benefits of $690,280,...


In addition, other top managers also were paid in the millions:

• Joseph Piemont, president and chief operating officer: $3,558,907, 6.3 percent increase
• Greg Gombar, chief financial officer: $2,340,613, 4.7 percent increase
• Laurence Hinsdale, executive vice president: $1,918,371, 2.2 percent decrease
• Paul Franz, executive vice president: $1,721,104, 2.9 percent decrease
• Dr. Roger Ray, chief physician executive: $1,619,584, 5 percent increase
• John Miller, chief executive officer, AnMed Health: $1,598,205, change not available
• John Knox, chief administrative officer: $1,434,112, 2.5 percent increase
• Dennis Phillips, executive vice president: $1,391,918, 3.3 percent decrease
• Debra Plousha Moore, chief human resources officer: $1,269,022, 5.2 percent increase


Not unexpectedly, those who are supposed to be exerting stewardship over Carolinas Healthcare provided just another version of the standard talking points to justify this largesse.

'Having talented leaders capable of managing one of the nation’s most comprehensive health care systems in a very complex environment allows Carolinas HealthCare System to maintain its mission and provide the best care to all of our communities,' said board Chairman Edward Brown, president of Hendrick Automotive Group.

As we have repeated far more often than I would like (most recently here)

It seems nearly every attempt made to defend the outsize compensation given hospital and health system executives involves the same arguments, thus suggesting they are talking points, possibly crafted as a public relations ploy. We first listed the talking points here, and then provided additional examples of their use. here, here here, here, here, and here, here and here

They are:
- We have to pay competitive rates
- We have to pay enough to retain at least competent executives, given how hard it is to be an executive - Our executives are not merely competitive, but brilliant (and have to be to do such a difficult job).

For the most recent update on Carolinas Healthcare, the board chairman only bothered with the last point.

So far, the case of compensation of top hired managers at Carolinas Healthcare looks very similar to many other cases at other big health care systems.  But this case has a big twist.

A Public Authority Whose Mission is to Serve the Poor

In 2012, we posted, based on another article that year by the indomitable Ms Garloch, how Carolinas Healthcare really is the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Hospital Authority, a public hospital authority created by North Carolina state law to serve the poor.  But faced with declining revenues in the 1980's, hospital management decided to try to attract paying patients, which allowed the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Hospital Authority to transform into a big hospital system.  Charlotte-Mecklenburg Hospital Authority managers came up with the idea of using a snappy new name, so the public hospital authority began "doing business as" Carolinas Healthcare, never mind whether a public hospital authority should really be considered as "doing business."

Yet the organization is still a public health authority.  Its charter and governance have never been changed.  Since the 1980s, however, Charlotte-Mecklenburg Health Authority bureaucrats have represented the organization as "government entity" when that is advantageous to them, or as a "non-profit hospital system" at other times.  

For example, it still gets to raise capital through directly issuing tax exempt municipal bonds.  For example, see this MunicipalBonds.com summary of a recent bond issue.

Also, at least through 2011, it was financed directly by Mecklenburg county to serve the poor, which, again was the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Hospital Authority's original mission.  In a 2012 article in the Charlotte Observer, Karen Garloch wrote,

last June, county commissioners voted to stop paying Carolinas HealthCare $16 million a year to care for the uninsured. With a profit of $428 million in 2010 and nearly $2 billion in reserves, the system no longer needed taxpayers’ help, commissioners concluded.

County Manager Harry Jones said the subsidy was important at one time, 'but circumstances have changed.' He cited a 1994 county committee report that raised this question:

'Given the current profitability of the hospitals, is it not reasonable to suggest that the hospitals become marginally less profitable by absorbing greater indigent care costs?'

Again, in 2011, the US Department of Labor began investigating Carolinas Healthcare about its provision of health benefits to its employees via Medcost, an entity whose ownership it shared with NC Baptist Hospital.  US federal law (ERISA) in general bans companies from providing health benefits to employees via subsidiaries.  NC Baptist settled similar charges in 2013.  The investigation of Carolinas Healthcare is not complete, but ironically a point of contention is its argument that it is a "government entity," and hence the law does not apply to it.  (See this article in the Winston-Salem Journal.)

On the other hand, Charlotte-Mecklenburg Hospital Authority bureaucrats have maintained that the organization, under the new name they chose, does not have the obligations to be transparent that other public entities have.  As Ms Garloch wrote in 2012,

It’s a public organization with a private attitude – open to 'all God’s children,' as hospital officials like to say, but not as open and transparent as other government agencies.

Then,

Basic facts about the hospital system can be hard to get.

For this series, Observer reporters asked Carolinas HealthCare to disclose total administrative expenses for 2010. A corresponding figure was publicly available from Novant through audited financial statements.

Several months after the question was posed, Carolinas HealthCare spokeswoman Gail Rosenberg

responded: 'We do not have the information … on a system-wide basis.'

Mecklenburg officials have criticized the system for lack of transparency.

Last year, [County Manager Harry] Jones declared the system in breach of contract because it failed to share data about the county-owned psychiatric hospital that is managed by Carolinas HealthCare.

'As a governmental entity, (the hospital system) should be more than willing to account to the taxpayers on how they spend … its money,' Jones wrote to Michael Tarwater, the hospital system’s CEO.

In fact, the argument that Carolinas Healthcare is Charlotte-Mecklenburg Hospital Authority, and hence is as a government agency obligated to a degree of transparency was confirmed by a judge in December, 2014, as again reported by the Charlotte Observer.  A lower court had dismissed a lawsuit that contended that Carolinas Heathcare had "violated state public record laws" by keeping confidential a legal settlement it had made with the former Wachovia bank.  However, the lawyer appealed, and

Hospital lawyers had argued that the state public records law doesn’t cover settlements arising from litigation by a government agency.

But in Wednesday’s ruling, a three-judge panel of the appeals court unanimously rejected that argument. The public records act doesn’t specifically exempt such settlement documents, the court concluded.
Disproportionate Pay for Non-Profit Hospital Executives, Much Less Government Bureaucrats

Thus there is a very good argument that the CEO and other top "executives" of Carolinas Healthcare are really the top government bureaucrats at Charlotte-Mecklenburg Health Authority.  But these executives' pay seems out of line even if they were the managers of a non-profit health care system.  In particular, the rising compensation given top management does not square with top management's recent layoffs of middle management.  In 2014, the Charlotte Observer reported,

Carolinas HealthCare System has eliminated more than 100 management positions – including two jobs that paid a total of about $3 million – as part of a goal to trim $110 million in expenses from next year’s budget, hospital officials announced Tuesday.

Cutbacks are necessary, in part, because of federal and state budget cuts in Medicare and Medicaid reimbursement for seniors, low-income and disabled patients, CEO Michael Tarwater said.
Furthermore, despite the board chairman's assertion that the "executives'" pay is deserved for fulfilling the mission, officially the mission of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Health Authority is still to serve the poor, as far as I can tell.  Yet, in recent years, there have been questions raised about how well the organization serves the poor.  In 2012, we noted that the system had become known for its aggressive attempts to get payment from indigent patients.  In 2013, we noted that the system had pursued legal action against tens of thousands of patients.


Summary

The public discussion about Charlotte-Mecklenburg Hospital Authority, "doing business as" Caroloinas Healthcare, has been confusing.  However, it seems clear, in my humble opinion, that it is still a public, that is government entity.

This raises huge questions.  One is why has it not been more subject to the appropriate political leadership?  In fact, Ms Garloch's 2012 article noted that

The 1943 hospital authority law intentionally kept elected officials and politics out of operations. The link is that the commissioners’ chairman must sign off on hospital board nominees.

It has been a rubber stamp.

County officials remember once in 30 years that a proposed board member was rejected. That was in 2008 when nominees included Gloria Pace King, who had been ousted as CEO of the United Way of the Central Carolinas because of public outcry over her $2 million pension package.
So it appears political leadership could have been exerted, at least to the extent of vetoing the board's proposed new candidates for board membership, but that has never been done, for unclear reasons.

Other questions are how did the bureaucrats in charge of this entity get away with massively changing the nature of its operations de facto without being subject to any political oversight, and without having to change its charter and governance to correspond to these changes?  Finally, how did its top hired bureaucrats (whether they are called managers, or executives really is immaterial) get to pay themselves at least an order of magnitude more than any government bureaucrat of whom I am aware, to pay themselves according to the current outrageous standard for executives of for-profit corporations?

I do not have the capacity to do the investigations necessary to answer these questions.  Hopefully, not only will reporters like Ms Garloch continue to dig deeper, but given this case's implications, it will become subject of more official investigations.

Meanwhile, it has become not merely a great example of how top hired management pay in health care continues to rise past any levels that can be rationally justified, but of what I once called the managers' coup d'etat.  It shows how hired bureaucrats, absent adequate supervision and accountability, have managed to transform health care organizations into instruments of their own enrichment.  To repeat,  true health care reform would put in place leadership that understands the health care context, upholds health care professionals' values, and puts patients' and the public's health ahead of extraneous, particularly short-term financial concerns. We need health care governance that holds health care leaders accountable, and ensures their transparency, integrity and honesty.

But this sort of reform would challenge the interests of managers who are getting very rich off the current system.  So I am afraid the US may end up going far down this final common pathway before enough people manifest enough strength to make real changes.   

    

Money vs Mission - How Generic Managers vs Physicians Think

On Health Care Renewal, we emphasize problems in leadership and governance in large health care organizations, and how they affect health care professionals' attempts to carry out their mission, and ultimately how they affect patients' and the public's health.  Large health care organizations are increasingly led by people trained in business, not health care professionals, thus generic managers.  The stewards of these organizations, the members of their boards of directors or boards of trustees, are also increasingly current or former managers without direct health care experience. Yet all too often, health care leadership is ill-informed, incompetent, unsympathetic or hostile to health care professionals' values, self-interested, conflicted, dishonest, or even corrupt.

Recently, in an effort to "bridge the gap" between physicians and MBAs, a new article in Becker's Hospital Review by Todd Kislak discussed differences in the thinking and values among business trained health care managers and physicians.  The author, an MBA, listed nine issues on which MDs and MBAs have different views.  I have summarized below what appear to me to be the main points, somewhat reorganized from how he did it. Whether he meant to or not, Mr Kislak showed why physicians may have reason not to trust their new generic managers. 

Making Widgets vs Treating Patients

Mr Kislak wrote that MBAs see health care in terms of orderly, uniform and standardized processes, while physicians see it in terms of the complexity and variability of patients, the ambiguity of diagnosis, and the unpredictability of outcomes.  

 2. Scalability. As a rule, MBAs tend to seek solutions to problems in a way that they perceive to be scalable and replicable, trained in the belief that the capacity to perform repetitively and consistently leads to better efficiency and quality. One-off situations are by definition outliers, and as such their importance tends to be downplayed.

Also,

 3. Centralization....   MBAs, ... tend to seek centralized approaches to decision-making, often appearing in the guise of policies, programs and processes. 

So, the gist is MBAs see health care as analogous to an assembly line.  The idea is to provide uniform, consistent services that conform to the policies, programs and processes that come down from central headquarters, run by MBAs.

On the other hand, he noted that physicians think that "every case has the potential to be unique in some way," while MBAs "view the unusual case as an unwelcome break in the routine, adding cost while slowing down the efficient care of other patients."

IMHO, common sense, and a raft of epidemiological data support the MDs.  Patients differ in demographics, biopsychosocial characteristics, co-morbid conditions, histories of previous treatment, responses to therapy, etc, etc, etc.  Patients, their complaints, and their situations are complex and variable.   Furthermore, acute illnesses, complications of chronic illnesses, accidents occur unexpectedly, in unexpected ways.  Diagnosis are often unclear and ambiguous.  Patients' prognoses and responses to therapy are unpredictable.  Thus, IMHO, seeing health care like an assembly, in terms of regularity and uniformity, seems dissociated from reality.  I have a hard time believing that MBAs who actually require medical care want to be treated as if they were identical to the next 10 patients.

"You Manage What You Measure" vs Complexity, Variability, Ambiguity, and Unpredictability of Patients, Diseases, Prognoses, and Treatments 

Mr Kislak suggested that MBAs emphasize measurement, especially the measurement of physicians' performance,

5. Performance. One of the healthcare MBA's favorite analytical tools is performance rankings of the MDs. Quantifying 'results' based on pre-determined metrics, assigning them a weight for averaging purposes and reducing performance down to a number is, to the MBA, how MDs and indeed all workers should be measured. 'You manage what you measure' is the MBA's mantra.

Also,

6. Productivity. MBAs look at MDs' productivity statistics (another performance measure) and wonder why so many MDs claim they are overworked. Looking at work hour statistics supplied by the Medical Group Management Association, one would not come away convinced that most MDs are logging more hours than, say, the typical healthcare MBA or indeed any high-caliber professional service provider.


Mr Kislak noted that physicians object to pay for performance and "may viscerally react to this uniform approach to performance assessment as inappropriate and even fundamentally at odds with the practice of medicine. Too much context is lost in the numbers, and too many factors beyond their personal control bear upon the performance 'data.'"   He did explain why MBAs are unconcerned about the accuracy and meaning of the measures they manage. 

The "you manage what you measure" heuristic seems based on the concept, or better yet fallacy that everything in health care is uniform and predictable.  This seems an extended version of what has been called the streetlight effect or the drunkard's search.  (See, for example, the version from Wikipedia, attributed to David H Freedman.  (2010). Wrong: Why Experts Keep Failing Us)  It begs the question of what is practical to measure is worth measuring, that is, is accurate, reliable, and meaningful.
 
Furthermore, there is now a considerable literature in medicine and health care showing that it is extremely difficult to develop performance measures that are reliable and meaningfully predictive.  (I cannot claim to have written comprehensively on this topic, but see posts here, and here.  For some good informal writing on why pay for performance [P4P] may not work, see Dr Robert Centor's blog DBs Medical Rants)

Considerable research has also shown that P4P rarely improves performance, and may make it worse.   For example, the results of a systematic review published in 2012 [Houle SKD, McAlister FA, Jackevicius CA et al.  Does performance-based remuneration for individual health care practitioners affect patient care? - a systematic review.  Ann Intern Med 2012; 157: 889-899.  Link here.] were that

The effect of P4P targeting individual practitioners on quality of care and outcomes remains largely uncertain.

Furthermore, a 2012 analysis of pay for performance [Glasziou PP, Buchan H, Del Mar C et al.  When financial incentives do more good than harm: a checklist.  Brit Med J 2012; 345: e5047. Link here.] included the summary statement,

Current evidence on the effectiveness of financial incentives is modest and inconsistent.

Thus, it would seem that the MBAs have neither good logic nor good evidence to support their faith in their current metrics, particularly those they use to assess physicians' performance. 



Power and Money vs Patients' and the Public's Health

Mr Kislak saw himself as supporting physicians in "their mission to provide high quality and effective care to their patients."  In the conclusion to his article, he asserted that physicians and MBAs "share the same overarching goals ... - effective healthcare delivery...."  However, in the body of the article, Mr Kislak suggested that MBAs see their goals in terms of power and money...  

4. Leadership. MBAs like to think of themselves as either nascent or actual leaders. It is understood that their intention is to build a career trajectory that will move them up in their organization (or in another organization) into positions of increasing authority and control. After all, this is an important reason why they become MBAs in the first place.


Furthermore, Mr Kislak wrote

8. Language. MDs and MBAs usually work for some type of business entity, whether that entity is for-profit, nonprofit, academic, government or sole proprietorship. To the MBA, however, it is all too apparent that with few exceptions MDs have little training in the language of business that all entities speak — the language of finance and accounting.

He noted that "this is a significant disconnect and a root cause of why MDs and MBAs often find themselves talking past each other on even the most basic business issues."  However, interestingly he did not even mention that MBAs may have as little facility with the language of medicine and health care as physicians have with the language of finance or accounting.  Furthermore, he seemed unaware that it makes as little sense to say that discourse in health care should be in the language of finance as to say discourse in finance should be in the language of health care. 

Finally, Mr Kislak made it very clear that to MBAs, money comes ahead of patient care,

9. Growth. MBAs are trained to look for ways to grow the organization's revenues and profits to the long-term benefit of the owners or stewards of that organization. Improvements to quality, efficiency, profits, revenues, technology and the like are generally viewed as a means to that end of growing,

Yet he noted that

the MDs sometimes wonder what all the growth talk may be costing their own priorities, including their compensation. This issue can become rather sensitive when it implies that the MD is less concerned with the long-term health of the organization than the MBA, and can devolve into finger-wagging about lack of engagement or weak physician-hospital alignment.

It is a measure of how much generic managers have taken over that the physicians may be blamed for lack of interest in the long-term "health of the organization," while the MBAs seem totally unconcerned about what effects the organization has on the real health of patients or the public.

Thus, fundamentally, MBAs running health care organizations are mainly interested in growing their organizations so that they bring in more money.  MBAs hope to leverage their organizations' financial performance so that they personally can rise to positions of greater power and wealth.  Health care is simply a "means to that end."  Mr Kislak seems to have confirmed my worst fears that most of health care's current generic managers put short-term revenue, and their own wealth and power, ahead of patients' and the public's health. 

Summary

In 1988, Alain Enthoven advocated in Theory and Practice of Managed Competition in Health Care Finance, a book published in the Netherlands, that to decrease health care costs it would be necessary to break up the "physicians' guild" and replace leadership by clinicians with leadership by managers (see 2006 post here). Thus from 1983 to 2000, the number of managers working in the US health care system grew 726%, while the number of physicians grew 39%, so the manager/physician ratio went from roughly one to six to one to one (see 2005 post here). As we noted here, the growth continued, so there are now 10 managers for every US physician. 


Now we have one MBA with considerable experience inside health care, and personal sympathy for the goals of high quality and effective care for patients, who. perhaps inadvertently, suggested why this managers' coup d'etat was a terrible idea, and why MBAs should not be allowed to lead health care organizations.  He corroborated our concerns that generic managers may be ill-informed and do not understand the health care context, particularly the variability and complexity of patients and their problems, the ambiguity of diagnosis, and the unpredictability of prognosis and response to therapy.  They believe in simplistic management approaches, particularly the usefulness of measurement and metrics, even in the absence of logic or evidence supporting them.  Furthermore, they may be heedless of the mission of health care, particularly of the primacy of the patient, and in fact put their own organizations' revenue ahead of patient care, and ultimately may pursue power and money rather than patients' and the public's health.  

As I have said before,  true health care reform would put in place leadership that understands the health care context, upholds health care professionals' values, and puts patients' and the public's health ahead of extraneous, particularly short-term financial concerns. We need health care governance that holds health care leaders accountable, and ensures their transparency, integrity and honesty.

But this sort of reform would challenge the interests of managers who are getting very rich off the current system.  So I am afraid the US may end up going far down this final common pathway before enough people manifest enough strength to make real changes.

ADDENDUM - This post was re-posted on the Naked Capitalism blog
 
Related Posts Plugin for WordPress, Blogger...